Social Science Research, 36, 447–468. In the domestic sphere, the measure of satisfaction with family life was consistent with the finding that the noncustodial parent suffers more than the custodial parent after a divorce (Bauserman 2012). Evidence for other countries, such as the UK and Sweden, also did not point to major gender differences in the risk of moving out after separation (Feijten and Mulder 2010; Mulder and Malmberg 2011). American Sociological Review, 64, 794–812. Article Many children's suffering is compounded as they are punished for their suffering. Yet, extant studies of divorce effects on adults have predominantly focused on only one outcome or on a set of outcomes within one domain—most commonly, economic well-being or health. If this pathway was canceled out, the analysis would give an incomplete picture of divorce effects on the risk of poverty, net of the risk of job loss as a potential mediator of such effects. Explanations for these gender inequalities highlight four risk factors for women (Bröckel and Andress 2015; Holden and Smock 1991): (1) higher economic need and restricted earning capacities in the presence of children; (2) insufficient child maintenance; (3) disproportionate loss of income, which is often not fully compensated by spousal maintenance; and (4) human capital deficits resulting from gender specialization in the division of labor during marriage. 336-342. The first and most intensely studied is theme parental strain associated with custodial arrangements. Gender, marital status and the social control of health behavior. Self-rated health and mortality: A review of twenty-seven community studies. Third, the key domain in which large and persistent gender differences emerged were women’s disproportionate losses in household income and … After a first divorce, the common assumption is that a second marriage will fare better from previous learned experience. It is a frequent misunderstanding that winter is the only season that can generate mood pathology. (1995). (2013). If this pathway was canceled out, the analysis would give an incomplete picture of divorce effects on subjective well-being, net of health declines. Looking at the big picture of knowledge about gender differences in the effects of divorce, these conclusions demonstrate the benefit of considering multiple outcomes in the analysis. Second, a medium-term view on multiple outcomes showed more similarity than differences between women and men. Bauserman, R. (2012). Just as there may be differences in the effect of income on default by gender, there may also be gender differences in the effect of other factors such as age and education. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 44, 327–340. Marital dissolution and work disability: A longitudinal study of administrative data. Social relationships and health behavior across life course. In this study, I examined gender differences in the consequences of divorce by tracing annual change in 20... Introduction. Cross-sectional and longitudinal associations between body mass index and marriage-related factors. Amsterdam, the Netherlands: Thela. Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. This research seeks to more systematically address gender differences than previous studies have done. 1996; Mastekaasa 1995; Strohschein et al. Ivanova, K., Kalmijn, M., & Uunk, W. (2013). Journal of Family Issues, 14, 378–400. Homeownership in later life—Does divorce matter? 2008; Gupta 1999). Because only characteristics that vary over time can enter the fixed-effects model, all time-constant variables drop out of the equation. Consistent with theory suggesting that women’s workplace achievement violates traditional expectations of gender and marriage, therefore creating domestic strain, the authors predict that career achievement is associated with a greater risk of divorce for women, but not for men. A recent comparative study indicated that in Germany, short-term effects are larger than medium-term effects: women’s incomes recovered in the years after divorce (de Vaus et al. Although the statistics may range in severity from men to women, most symptoms are frequently the same. Bachman, J., O’Malley, P., Schulenberg, J., Johnson, K., Bryant, A., & Merline, A. The Psychology of Conspiracy Theories: Why Do People Believe Them? An empirical test of crisis, social selection, and role explanations of the relationship between marital disruption and psychological distress: A pooled time-series analysis of four-wave panel data. Social and emotional loneliness among divorced and married men and women: Comparing the deficit and cognitive perspectives. Table 1 presents descriptive information about the divorce sample and the control sample. Gupta, S. (1999). When both spouses agree to a divorce, they can apply for a divorce after an obligatory year of separation. Dewilde, C., & Stier, H. (2014). Father-child relationships and nonresident fathers’ psychological distress: What helps and what hurts? 336-342. S. (1999). Thomas, S. P. (1982). (1994). When actively dealing with divorce, men are more likely to use action rather than words to express their feelings. Last medically reviewed on August 7, 2017, Psych Central is proud to host a number of weekly podcasts on a variety of mental health and topics relating to mental illness. Here's the answer: A 2000 paper published in American Law and Economics Review by Margaret F. Brinig and Douglas W. Allen reported data (Table 1, … In Germany, taxation provides strong incentives to combine a breadwinner’s larger income with a homemaker’s smaller income, reinforcing a traditional division of labor during marriage (Cooke 2006). 2 (housing and domestic outcomes), Fig. Research by social psychologists suggests hypotheses about gender differences in the impact of parental divorce on the decisions to work and to … 1976), emphasizing that objectively good or bad conditions are not necessarily experienced as such. Vogt Yuan, A. S. (2014). They suffer in both similar and different ways depending on their gender. Dykstra, P. A., & Fokkema, T. (2007). Second, the SOEP is well suited for a multiple-outcome study of gender differences in the consequences of divorce because it contains detailed longitudinal data about economic, housing and domestic, health and well-being, and social outcomes. Figure 4 relates to my last set of outcomes, pertaining to the social consequences of divorce. Gender Differences in Satisfaction with Divorce Settlements Virgil L. Sheets; Sanford L. Braver Family Relations, Vol. Campbell, A., Converse, P. E., & Rodgers, W. (1976). Are emotional distress and alcohol problems differential outcomes to stress? Upon their first observation in the panel, respondents who went on to divorce were younger, less educated, more often living with children, more often unemployed, and in slightly worse health than the control sample of those who stayed married. Repartnering after the first union disruption. Two studies (n = 497) examine gender differences in "unrealistic optimism" in beliefs of marriage using a Taiwanese population. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 56, 65–77. Journal of Family Issues, 20, 243–268. My sample included 18,030 individuals initially observed in a marital union, 1,220 of whom divorced across the observation period (1984–2015). Evidence from long-term panel data on multiple domains of well-being. Because this decision often takes men by surprise (Thomas 1982), they might become more distressed when their marriage breaks down. The relationship between mortality and time since divorce, widowhood or remarriage in Norway. 1, panel d). The suicide risk for an unmarried man is 39 percent higher than that of a married man. Women have less physical health problems than men in the beginning of their divorce. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 6, 454–474. This gap of research precludes a broader view of gender differences in the multiple consequences of divorce. To understand the difference, the same study conducted on people aged 65 and older revealed that 25% of … Gender Differences in the Association between Parental Divorce during Childhood and Stroke in Adulthood: Findings from a Population-Based Survey Esme Fuller-Thomson and Angela D. Dalton International Journal of Stroke 2012 10 : 6 , 868-875 More than 40 % of men reported frequent or very frequent feelings of loneliness in this year, approximately double the share of women who felt lonely. These physical health problems can range from the common cold to heart conditions and even cancer. West, C., & Zimmerman, D. (1987). Second, older people are less attractive on the remarriage market, and this age effect is stronger for women (Bennett 2017; Skopek et al. In contrast to the measures for income and poverty, these results on the subjective measures of economic well-being indicated smaller and transient gender differences. Gender, divorce and housing—A life course perspective. Social Science & Medicine, 75, 46–59. Since then divorce rates declined in many countries. Men are also at greater risk for physical health problems such as heart attacks and stroke. Debates about gender differences in the consequences of divorce as well as policies aimed at alleviating these differences often center on women’s vulnerability (Amato 2000; Diedrick 1991). According to rational choice models, the question of who moves out is answered on the basis of each partner’s resources and costs associated with staying and moving, including direct costs of moving but also costs in terms of disrupting ties to family, friends, and the workplace (Mulder and Wagner 2010). Leopold, T., & Kalmijn, M. (2016). Finally, social integration with friends and relatives was similar for the control sample and the divorce sample, but respondents from the latter group were more likely to experience feelings of loneliness. To address this source of bias, I added two time-varying controls to my models. In terms of the related risk of single parenting, a large gender gap of approximately 40 percentage points (55 % of women vs. 14 % of men) opened up in the year of divorce and did not change much in subsequent years. Yet, the seemingly clear picture gets clouded when put into a larger context of divorce outcomes. Social Forces, 81, 1459–1498. First, few studies have examined whether women’s economic strain is chronic. Kalmijn, M., & Poortman, A. R. (2006). European Sociological Review, 21, 259–271. 2013) and in the United States (Wu and Schimmele 2005). This restriction concentrated the analysis on the typical age range of divorce, and it reduced age heterogeneity in the life course profiles of the outcome measures. Feijten, P., & Mulder, C. H. (2010). Chilcoat, H. D., & Breslau, N. (1996). Although these four domains are interrelated and partly overlapping, this classification is useful as an organizing scheme for relevant outcomes and related findings. Gender and the development of welfare regimes. I allowed for variation in the effects of time, captured by a set of dummy variables designating five periods: (1) 5 to 3 years before divorce (reference period), (2) 2 to 1 years before divorce, (3) year of divorce, (4) 1 to 2 years after divorce, and (5) 3 to 5 years after divorce. Thomas Leopold. The causes and consequences of divorce are gendered in various ways because the family itself is historically a gendered institution. In the year of divorce, women lost approximately 40 % of their predivorce incomes, whereas their former husbands experienced moderate gains of approximately 5 %. The impact of job loss on family dissolution. One line of research in this area has asked whether men … Gender differences in domestic well-being . My analysis was based on data from 32 waves of the German SOEP (SOEP-long, version 32.1, release 2017; Wagner et al. Feelings of loss that commonly occur in both husbands and wives can include: A form of identity is lost during divorce. The models behind the plots are detailed in Tables S1–S4 in Online Resource 1. Although some of the relevant costs and resources are gendered, these differences seem to balance out on a larger scale. Returning to the opening question of this article, my findings suggest that the prevailing view of women bearing a higher burden of divorce is supported when looking at medium-term consequences for a large set of outcome measures, including those on which men were previously found to be disadvantaged. These friends may only know the divorcing couple as a married couple, making it increasingly difficult to separate an independent identity from the marriage identity. Similarly, the effect of divorce on the risk of poverty might partly run through job loss related to the divorce crisis and associated residential moves. Noncustodial parents—usually fathers—face the challenge of maintaining contact with their children (Vogt Yuan 2014). Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 38, 21–37. Income and life satisfaction after marital disruption in Germany. The gender gap in household labor after retirement. Grabka, M. M. (2013). Men are prone to deeper depressions and more likely to abuse substances after divorce. Moving out of home ownership in later life: The influence of the family and housing careers. Although women recovered in subsequent years, their poverty risk remained above 25 % even several years after divorce. The analysis was based on fixed-effects models for within-person change occurring up to 5 years before and after divorce. An analysis of Dutch data supported the isolation hypothesis in most interaction domains, although contact with friends increased for women and particularly for men (Kalmijn and Broese van Groenou 2005). This restriction ensured that I could draw on a sufficient number of observations across time points before and after divorce. Housing and domestic outcomes figure prominently among the stressors associated with the divorce process. Smock, P. J. In my analytic sample, attrition rates were lower among divorcees than among those who stayed married. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018-0667-6, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018-0667-6, Over 10 million scientific documents at your fingertips, Not logged in Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 29, 1–12. Cathy Meyer. ), Wohnen und gender. Fixed-effects models focus only on changes within individuals over time, relating temporal variation in the outcome measures only to temporal variation in the independent variables. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 37, 278–291. Within the domestic sphere, studies have highlighted two areas in which gender differences in the consequences of divorce may emerge. Goldberg, W. A., Greenberger, E., Hamill, S., & O’Neil, R. (1992). Obesity, 17, 1441–1447. For this year, linear probability models estimated a sixfold increase from a predivorce risk of approximately 7 % to almost 45 %. 203). The same pattern was observed for women’s larger declines in satisfaction with household income, suggesting that gender differences in the consequences of divorce are generally larger in the short term than in the medium term. Both women and men declined and then recovered in terms of mental health, although recovery appeared to be somewhat slower for women (panel b). 45, No. These consequences have been measured in terms of the number of friends; frequency of social participation; and frequency of contact with friends, relatives, and neighbors. Journal of Family Issues, 37, 603–621. The Balance of the Sexes in Divorce: Gender Differences and Parity. European Sociological Review, 21, 59–71. Research has shown that these concerns may be warranted given that the effects of job loss on well-being were found to be stronger for men than for women (Leopold et al. A. All estimates for divorce effects obtained from these models along with their 95 % confidence intervals are shown in Figs. Mastekaasa, A. New York, NY: Russel Sage Foundation. Demography 55, 769–797 (2018). Marital status and happiness: A 17-nation study. Gender differences in children's developmental adjustment to divorce are influenced by pre and post divorce development processes, parent expectation and children's coping abilities. Men are also at greater risk for physical health problems such as heart attacks and stroke. Figure 2 illustrates the consequences of divorce for housing and domestic outcomes. A third theme comprises the consequences of divorce for social integration beyond the ties to partners and children. Panel a illustrates the scope of postdivorce gender inequality in equivalized household income. The magnitude of this effect amounted to 2 standard deviations of within-person variation in satisfaction with family life measured in the full sample of the SOEP. It was concluded that there is sufficient evidence to demon- strate that males report less stress prior to the decision to divorce than do females, and that females fare better after separation and divorce than do males. None of the gender gaps in terms of health and well-being outcomes changed in meaningful ways when predivorce and postdivorce periods are compared. Andress, H.-J., & Bröckel, M. (2007). Three main findings emerged from the analysis. Leopold, T., & Skopek, J. German maintenance law ensures a relatively high level of spousal support for economically dependent spouses and children, although more recent reforms have limited the period of entitlement to spousal maintenance (Bröckel and Andress 2015). Shor, E., Roelfs, D. J., Bugyi, P., & Schwartz, J. E. (2012). In the case of residential moves, for example, women may more often leave the shared household for economic reasons, whereas men may more leave the shared household for family reasons related to child custody. Housing Studies, 23, 809–832. Gender and the short-run economic consequences of marital disruption. Seasonal depression is not a black -and-white…. This tendency of returning to predivorce levels after some years, alleviating gender differences in the process, is considered to be a universal force that does not differ by gender except for specific circumstances, such as unemployment (Clark et al. I estimated all models separately for men and women to keep the model parsimonious and to retain information about gender differences in the level of the outcomes estimated for the reference period. Gender differences in domestic well-being . These differences suggest that those who participate long enough to observe a divorce (i.e., at least once after separation) are more reliable respondents with lower baseline probabilities of exiting the panel. By Nicole H. Sodoma. The first and most intensely studied is theme parental strain associated with custodial arrangements. Regional value differences in Europe and the social consequences of divorce: A test of the stigmatization hypothesis. The economic consequences of divorce in Germany: What has changed since the turn of the millennium? Advances in Life Course Research, 20, 28–42. A multiwave panel study indicated that these changes may be permanent (Hewitt et al. These friends may only know the divorcing couple as a married couple, making it increasingly difficult to separate an independent identity from the marriage identity. An alternative interpretation is that women anticipate and accept the economic consequences of a divorce. Women’s poverty risk surged upward in the year of divorce. In this study, I examined gender differences in the consequences of divorce by tracing annual change in 20 outcome measures covering four domains: economic, housing and domestic, health and well-being, and social. Given the lack of comparative studies on larger sets of outcomes, broader conclusions about cross-national variation in the gendered consequences of divorce require further multiple-outcome studies using data from other national contexts. 175–193). Abstract. The subjective well-being of the previously married: The importance of unmarried cohabitation and time since widowhood or divorce. Social Science Quarterly, 75, 607–621. As we see in the chart, for many countries divorce rates increased markedly between the 1970s and 1990s. Because of the large number of statistical tests performed in my models, I used strict criteria (p < .01 and p < .001) to evaluate statistical significance. For my purposes, these data yielded two main benefits. Journal of Population Economics, 25, 367–398. Both women and men lost and then regained weight (panel c), and both improved slightly in terms of physical health and then declined toward predivorce levels (panel d). © 2021 Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The study showed no major gender differences in the consequences of divorce, although effects on women appeared to be more strongly mediated by changes in resources. “Doing” gender in context: Household bargaining and risk of divorce in Germany and the United States. Confidence in the results for subjective measures of satisfaction in different domains of life is strengthened by research showing that the single-item measures used in this study are sensitive, valid, and reliable (Diener et al. The gender gap is narrowing among younger adults, as 12.9% of the American women aged between 18 and 24 have cheated, compared to 15.9% of their male peers. Health behavior has been highlighted as a pivotal factor explaining why marriage benefits health and, conversely, why union dissolution harms health (Umberson et al. 2012; Stack and Eshleman 1998), higher risk of adopting bad health habits (Umberson 1992), elevated mortality (Berntsen and Kravdal 2012; Sbarra et al. Replication files are available at the author’s website (www.thomasleopold.eu). In line with this idea, more recent research has indicated that life satisfaction was lower among divorced men (Andress and Bröckel 2007) and that mortality following divorce increased only among men (Berntsen and Kravdal 2012; Shor et al. 2000; Veenhoven 1996). De Vaus, D., Gray, M., Qu, L., & Stanton, D. (2015). Men’s poverty risk remained unchanged across the divorce process. Conversely, stress associated with the divorce process may contribute to poor health behaviors in terms of increases in smoking and drinking (Cohen et al. Demography, 53, 1717–1742. Financial well-being of older divorced/separated men and women: Findings from a panel study. Herbers, D. J., Mulder, C. H., & Modenes, J. In these domains, several studies have reported that men were more vulnerable to the adverse effects of divorce, including larger health declines and lower subjective well-being after separation (Shor et al. Respondents from the divorce sample also earned approximately 10 % less, were more likely to live below the poverty line, and were less likely to own their home. (Jul., 1996), pp. Finally, I examined whether inclusion of the interactions between the divorce indicators and gender improved model fit in the fully interacted models. When actively dealing with divorce, men are more likely to use action rather than words to express their feelings. Wagner, G. G., Frick, J. R., & Schupp, J. Panel a shows that men were slightly more likely to move in the year of divorce and that women were more likely to move in the following years. Hewitt, B., Haynes, M., & Baxter, J. Although these results alleviate some of the concerns associated with selective attrition, respondents who dropped out shortly before or after a divorce are underrepresented in my sample. Age effects and period effects might introduce bias in the estimation of temporal profiles of change in the outcomes across predivorce and postdivorce stages. To accomplish this, I removed all postdivorce variance in both controls, holding both variables constant at their values observed in the year before divorce. To obtain a fuller picture, an analyst has to piece together evidence from a large literature that varies in terms of sampling frames, longitudinal scope, methods of analysis, and the societal and historical context from which the data were drawn. Although the gender gaps in household income and risk of poverty narrowed somewhat over time, differences between women and men remained substantial. Married people drink and smoke less (Bachman et al. It is well documented that women experience more stress than do men prior to the decision to divorce, but that women experience less stress, and better adjustment in general, than do men after divorce. Sheets, V. L., McDonough, P. J and finding childcare ( Goldberg et al is... Bachman et al and most intensely studied theme related to social outcomes of interest represented another potential of. Experienced average drops of 2.5 scale points between the divorce process and influence the outcomes differed between... And Personal relationships, 22, 455–476 markedly between the reference period and the social consequences divorce. And housing careers States ( Wu and Schimmele 2005 ) the gender differences in divorce sample of individuals did! Their standard of living in the panel A. V., & Kazis, L. ( 1993 ) any. And female partners in the remarriage market: Competing-risk analyses of union formation and dissolution Peres. A sufficient number of observations across time points before and after divorce, and products are for purposes! Women performed approximately one-half hour less following divorce, commonly found to be higher among men A. &! 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